Back to

Category Archives: State Leg

Georgia Life Alliance recently uncovered a secret plot by NARAL, a national group fighting to legalize abortion until and after birth, to target pro-life lawmakers around Georgia with “gotcha questions” that they can capture on camera and use out of context to attack them with later.

When we uncovered their plot, we exposed them to our pro-life lawmakers in the State House and Senate to warn them to be prepared to be attacked in their districts this summer. But, since their strategy could easily turn against pro-lifers in the community as well, we’ve compiled their own sample questions and laid out answers to study and be prepared for pro-abortion attacks this summer.

Question 1: Do you support criminalizing abortion in Georgia?
Abortion is already criminalized in Georgia after 20 weeks, with certain exceptions. The Heartbeat Bill would simply move the marker for a criminal abortion from 20 weeks (when a baby in the womb can feel the pain of being killed during an abortion) back to when a baby’s heart begins to beat and can be detected – typically around 6 weeks.

  • Will there be cases where someone gets an abortion and then someone is held accountable for that?
    • That is already the case for all abortions in Georgia. Abortions must be documented and reported by abortionists to appropriate agencies. Criminal abortions are often uncovered by investigations by concerned communities or women who were victimized by abortionists who violate the law.
  • Who do you think should face criminal penalties? 
    • Abortionists who break the law currently face criminal and civil penalties in Georgia. Women are exempt from prosecution under previous court rulings and state law.
  • How would you know who the doctor is? Would you force women to give up their doctors? How would you pressure them to do that? If a woman refuses to give up the doctor, could she face legal repercussions?
    • As stated already, when a doctor commits an abortion, it is already reported to appropriate agencies. We know who commits abortions in Georgia and abortionists who violate the law can be easily identified and held accountable.
  • What about women that self-induce an abortion?
    • As stated already, women who self-induce abortions are exempt both in statute and in previous court rulings.

Question 2: Personhood: Should a fetus have the same legal protections as any human?
Yes, that’s current Georgia law for children over 20 weeks old in the womb who are targeted for abortion or for any child who is killed by a negligent third party under our feticide law. The Heartbeat Bill simply moves the marker for those legal protections back to when a baby’s heartbeat is detected (typically around 6 weeks) for babies targeted for abortions, adds additional protections under the feticide law, and adds those children into the state tax law and child support law.

  • How does this bill affect incarcerated pregnant people? How is a fetus protected in prisons and jails?
    • The Heartbeat Bill does not specifically add protections for children in the womb of a mother who is incarcerated. However, the Dignity for Incarcerated Women Act (HB 345) –  which was championed by the leading pro-life organization in the state (Georgia Life Alliance), authored by the House HHS Committee Chairman who approved the Heartbeat Bill (Rep. Sharon Cooper), and sponsored in the Senate by the same Senator who sponsored the Heartbeat Bill (Senator Renee Unterman) – provides protections to pregnant incarcerated women from being shackled and helps ensure healthy mothers and healthy babies in our prisons and jails.

Question 3: Does [HB] 481 include any safeguards against pregnant people who experience a miscarriage from being investigated?
Women experiencing the tragedy of miscarriage and the doctors providing them care are already protected under Georgia law and in previous court rulings from investigation after miscarriage. The Heartbeat Bill adds additional protections for them and does not reduce current law.

  • How would you go about investigating a woman who had just had a pregnancy loss? There have already been instances around the country of women who have been interrogated in their hospital beds, and imprisoned after losing a pregnancy. Is this something you want to see in Georgia?
    • As already stated, Women and their doctors are protected from this in Georgia law and in previous court rulings from being investigated or prosecuted after pregnancy loss. A woman is not currently at risk of investigation and the Heartbeat Bill does not change that.

Question 4: How do you think this bill affects maternal mortality?
According to academic studies, abortion is one of the leading causes of maternal mortality worldwide due to the number 1 complication of abortions after 6-8 weeks being obstetric hemorrhaging. Because 5 of the 10 worse Georgia counties for maternal mortality (Fulton, DeKalb, Gwinnett, Clayton, and Cobb) account for 36% of maternal mortality cases as well as 56% of all abortions statewide, we can reasonably assume that the Heartbeat Bill will help decrease maternal deaths and injuries so long as abortion doctors do not commit abortions illegally despite the law.

  • Georgia has the highest maternal mortality rate in the country and half our counties don’t have OBGYNs. Why were those issues not prioritized if we care about human life?
    • While Georgia certainly has more work to do to improve our maternal mortality numbers and provide the best care for women and children in our state, I don’t imagine opponents of the Heartbeat Bill would suddenly support it if we had the best maternal mortality numbers in the country. This year, we did form a study committee of experts to work with providers and stakeholders around the state to find the best solutions rather than impulsive measures to help address the issue.

In keeping with their radical crusade to defend abortion up until and after birth, Planned Parenthood, the ACLU, and their surrogates have officially sued Governor Kemp and the state of Georgia to overturn our Heartbeat Bill.

We are not surprised, we are ready, and we will fight.

Georgia’s LIFE Act is different from every other Heartbeat Bill in the nation, because we recognize that the child in the womb is a person and should be protected by the 14th Amendment. This concept terrifies the abortion industry, because it would end abortion everywhere for any reason. That’s why they will stop at nothing to defeat Georgia’s law.

This lawsuit is an attack on human rights and an egregious attempt to deny personhood to a class of humans.

But, despite their barbaric targeting and killing people based on their race, gender, and age, the abortion industry will be on the wrong side of history and they will lose.

Governor Kemp and Georgia Life Alliance are committed to fighting for the most pro-life law in the nation, but we need your help.

We need you to pray for Governor Kemp, our legal team, and support our efforts to defend the Heartbeat Bill.

Forward this email to your pro-life friends and family to start a prayer chain and chip in $5, $25, $50, or $100 before our quarterly deadline to help us lead the fight.

Don’t let Planned Parenthood wage war against our children without opposition! As the only Georgia-based right to life group supporting Governor Kemp and the Heartbeat Bill, we need your support now more than ever.

Together for life,

Joshua Edmonds
Executive Director

The Red & Black recently published an opinion piece lamenting how Georgia’s LIFE Act “shows a disturbing regression of women’s rights.” 

The author lays out several arguments against our Heartbeat Bill that I have heard around the Capitol and regularly in the media, so I wanted to take a moment to explore these arguments a little more in depth. 

Toddler Trouble

The author says that it is unfair to limit abortion to 6 weeks and reduce the time in which a mother has to consider ending her child’s life. 

While the author omits that the 6-week old baby has a heartbeat, lungs, nose, and complex formations of the brain, her underlying argument is that the child’s right to life does not overcome the mother’s right to preference. But why? A matter of dependence?

The baby in the womb is undoubtedly physically dependent upon her mother. And so is the newborn, the infant, and the toddler. But, I hope, the author is not arguing in favor of a mother’s right to end the life of her toddler. 

Or, perhaps, it is a matter of biological development, and the author is opposed to babies with beating hearts having a right to life. If that is the case, which developmental milestone should protect a child from being killed? When the child obtains higher brain function and has an awareness of self? But, that doesn’t happen until 24 months. And, again, I hope, the author is not arguing against a toddler’s right to life.

I hope.

Majority Rule

Another problem the author lists with the bill is that it was passed by a legislature that is comprised mostly by “old white men” who are “governing a woman’s body.”

I can see how this would be frustrating. In the interest of ensuring that old white men don’t overstep their bounds by governing other demographic groups they do not belong to, I presume that the author is also in opposition to:

  • HB345, which prohibits shackling pregnant inmates; passed by old white men.
  • HB426, which would protect minority and LGBTQ victims of hate crimes; passed by old white men in the House.
  • SB106, which will increase access to healthcare for low income Georgians; passed by old white men.
  • The Rape Survivor Custody Act, which terminates parental rights to men who impregnate women via nonconsensual sexual intercourse; passed by old white men.
  • The Thirteenth Amendments, which ended slavery; passed by old white men.
  • And even Roe v. Wade, which expanded abortion rights nationwide, ruled on by 6 white men.

I’ll await the author’s opinion piece regarding these additional injustices perpetrated by old white men.

Constitution Confusion

The author states that “a woman’s right to her body is a constitutional right.” The only issue with that blanket statement is that it is legally and scientifically inaccurate on all fronts.

Actual legal scholar John Hart Ely repudiated Roe in a 1973 article in the Yale Law Journal, stating that it “is not constitutional law and gives almost no sense of an obligation to try to be.” Also adding that abortion “…is not inferable from the language of the Constitution, the framers’ thinking respecting the specific problem in issue, any general value derivable from the provisions they included, or the nation’s governmental structure.” 

In layman’s terms, Roe is merely an exercise in egregious judicial activism that lacks substantive justification anywhere in the Constitution to rest upon. 

This is evidenced by Justice Blackmun’s (who ruled in favor of Roe) comments during oral arguments at the Supreme Court, when he stated, “If this suggestion of personhood is established, the appellant’s case, of course, collapses, for the fetus’ right to life would then be guaranteed specifically by the [Fourteenth] Amendment.”

Justice Blackmun is 100% correct. This is why The LIFE Act rests its entire foundation upon the premise that a child is a person, as demonstrated by labeling a child in the womb as a natural person, including them in our state population count, providing a tax exemption for them, and extending child support to cover them.

HB481 not only accommodates the logic of the Roe decision, it adheres to the very specific parameters it laid out for a state’s compelling interest to protect a child’s right to life to be found constitutionally valid.

Real Leadership

Georgia is leading the nation in recognizing and protecting the rights of the vulnerable and the oppressed. The only disturbing regression here is the lack of journalistic understanding by so many when covering the most pro-life and pro-woman piece of legislation ever passed in our state.